By Dimitris Konstantakopoulos
Since 2010, all Greek governments, despite any differences between them, have implemented extremely destructive policies dictated directly by foreign powers and the domestic oligarchy—policies opposed by the vast majority of the Greek people.
As a result, we have witnessed massive protests against these policies over the years, starting with the PASOK government under the supposedly democrat George Papandreou (who even called himself an “anti-authoritarian” while bringing the IMF into Greece and Europe) and since then, every single government, regardless of party—PASOK, New Democracy, SYRIZA, and their smaller allies—has followed the same path, including the current Mitsotakis administration.
The Greek Constitution supposedly guarantees the right to assemble peacefully. In practice, however, this right cannot be exercised.
A few dozen individuals—often labeled as “anti-authoritarians” or “anarchists,” or sometimes without any label at all—appear out of nowhere and usually throw a few Molotov cocktails at police or damage buildings. Our highly active police force never arrests any of them. Instead, it responds by firing tear gas indiscriminately at the entire crowd of demonstrators in the enormous Syntagma (Constitution) Square in central Athens. This reckless use of tear gas leads to the dispersal of protests.
The Marfin Case in 2011 and Mikis-Glezos in 2012
Sometimes, things have escalated even further—such as the arson attack on the Marfin Bank on May 5, 2010, which resulted in the deaths of three innocent people. To this day, authorities have not definitively identified the perpetrators. In a discussion I once had with former Defense Minister and potential successor to Andreas Papandreou, Gerasimos Arsenis, regarding this case, the late minister, though unable to pinpoint the culprits, emphatically reminded me never to forget that “there is also a deep state in Greece.” (For more on the Marfin case, see Professor Dionysis Drosos’ references in his article on the Friday protest:https://slpress.gr/koinonia/to-megaleiodes-sillalitirio-kai-i-proanangeltheisa-provokatsia/).
At the time of the Marfin incident, the Minister of Public Order (ironically renamed “Citizen Protection”) was the same as today: Michalis Chrysochoidis—a very pro-atlantic politician who, during his tenure, not only let the crime rate skyrocket but also famously admitted that he had not read the bailout memorandum he voted for because he was too busy with “more important” matters.
The murder of the three at Marfin dampened the massive wave of protest that had flooded Athens against Papandreou’s austerity measures, a crowd on the verge of an uprising. Until then, the police had been relatively sympathetic to the demonstrators. But after the deaths, their stance hardened. Before this, it was unclear whether they would have even resisted an attempt to storm Parliament; after the Marfin attack, they were prepared to “shoot to kill” if necessary. Undoubtedly, these events facilitated the adoption of the bailout agreement (bailout memorandum) five days later—an agreement that was supposed to “save” Greece but instead led to its (predictable) destruction.
In another instance, when over a million protesters gathered in Syntagma Square in February 2012, protesting against the catastrophic “restructuring” program of the Greek debt (PSI) by the Papademos (Goldman Sachs) government (New Democracy – PASOK), the only debt restructuring in world history that was done in favor of the creditors and to the detriment of the debtor, and which stripped the country of the “nuclear weapon” it had for managing its debt (subjection to Greek law and Greek courts), the Police did not need any pretext. They struck massively on their own initiative directly at the forefront of the demonstration, in front of the Parliament, a demonstration which was led by two very elderly and ill personalities, Mikis Theodorakis and Manolis Glezos, showing complete disregard for the potential consequences, which could have included their deaths. Obviously, those who ordered this attack wanted to prove that nothing would stop them!
Mitsotakis Has Lost Control
Last Friday, the crowd’s rage and determination were so intense that many protesters refused to leave, despite the heavy use of tear gas, and returned to Syntagma Square. This was unexpected. The provocateurs were already ordered to leave the square. As a result, the police were forced to crack down on peaceful demonstrators without any pretense: https://www.konstantakopoulos.gr/32294/%ce%b7-%ce%b1%cf%83%cf%84%cf%85%ce%bd%ce%bf%ce%bc%ce%af%ce%b1-%ce%b4%ce%b9%ce%b1%ce%bb%cf%8d%ce%b5%ce%b9-%cf%84%ce%b7%ce%bd-%ce%b5%ce%b9%cf%81%ce%b7%ce%bd%ce%b9%ce%ba%ce%ae-%ce%b4%ce%b9%ce%b1%ce%b4
The reason? They feared a revival of the “Indignants” movement, which occupied a part of Syntagma Square for months back in 2011 (such a movement had also erupted in Spain at this time. They dread public outrage and what might be uncovered next.
No police measure can be effective anymore against such a massive and deeply rooted uprising of an entire people. Any increase in repression by a panicked and ruthless government will only make things worse. The general uprising of the Greek people is not just about the handling of the Tempi train disaster; it is about the entire way the country is governed by the Mitsotakis regime. People no longer have any trust in the three branches of government, including a Judiciary whose leadership is appointed by the government, and which has reached a point where 75-80% of the Greek people do not trust it (https://www.defenddemocracy.press/poll-shows-80-greeks-do-not-trust-justice-system/, https://www.defenddemocracy.press/poll-tempi-disaster-majority-of-greeks-see-attempt-by-govt-to-cover-up/) This is a percentage that I doubt has ever been reached in any country in the world, and which would normally compel the leadership of the Supreme Court to resign, even out of a sense of decency, since it is under their watch that public distrust in the judiciary—which is supposed to administer justice in their name—has reached such record levels. Its leadership has already been involved in various public disputes, even with a party leader or relatives of victims. Why doesn’t it explain to us how it justifies this collapse of trust in the institution it leads?
The Greek people, through the government’s handling of the Tempi disaster and its outrageous statements, have realized that something is deeply rotten in the state of Denmark. This rot has not only taken the lives of at least 57 victims in the tragedy—it threatens to destroy their own lives and the entire country. The majority of Greeks are already struggling with unbearable living costs and the rapid collapse of the national healthcare system.
Moral Suffocation and Absolute Insecurity
To this, however, comes the confirmation of an even more horrific and unbearable suspicion. It is not just that the government may be implementing a policy that some may like or dislike. It is not just issue A or issue B. What is at stake here is the moral quality, the ethical attributes of those governing the state. If they can applaud Minister Karamanlis, who ignored the warnings from railway unions about safety; if they can orchestrate an almost military-style emergency operation leading to the mass destruction of evidence at the site of the tragedy; if even today we do not know what kind of cargo the doomed train was carrying or for whom; if the highly suspicious events surrounding the investigations occurred; not to mention the suspicions regarding three deaths of individuals involved or connected to the case; and dozens of other incidents and statements that left the entire country in shock—how much trust can the Greek citizen have in their state? How can they not tremble at the thought of what might happen tomorrow to them or to their country?
Moral principles do not allow for tolerance of the cover-up of those responsible for the collision. But morality is the means by which society survives—the way to prevent it from becoming a jungle.
Had the Greek people not felt how crucial and vital this matter is, they would not have risen up, staging what are perhaps the largest demonstrations in their history—not only in every corner of Greece but across the world, from Tokyo to Rio to Iceland.
The very situation forced them out of the apathy and inertia of an entire decade—a result of the severe defeat of 2015 (not just an objective defeat, but also a moral-psychological one due to the attitude and behavior of the leadership they had trusted). This ten-year cycle now seems to have closed, and the government will likely now face a Greek people with much greater militancy—not just regarding the Tempi disaster but on all other issues as well.
The government’s cover-up of the Tempi case has been proven, even before crucial aspects of the case have been fully illuminated. Public trust in all three branches of power (executive, legislative, judicial) has been deeply shaken. Had what is known today been known before the elections, the ruling party would certainly not have won. The disparity between the popular will and the government is now more evident than ever—it could not be more so.
The only constitutionally and democratically appropriate solution to this crisis (and the only nationally beneficial and safe option in a period of unprecedented geopolitical instability) is for the government to resign and for elections to be held https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DFV67yi0Oh4. This is even more pressing given that all ND (New Democracy) MPs still support Kyriakos Mitsotakis and his government’s actions, as well as an entire system that appears to protect and uphold them—a system that controls almost everything: Parliament, the President of the Republic, the Judiciary, and the media. And this is already an alarming degree of control, even if we dismiss as unfounded the suspicions regarding the existence and operation of other very dangerous and illegal mechanisms.
This government can no longer govern—it is in open conflict with nearly the entire Greek population. And the longer it clings to power, the worse things will become, in a period that is already extremely dangerous for the country
It is true that the opposition parties do not satisfy the majority of the Greek people. It is true that we need large social movements and new political forces http://www.defenddemocracy.press/grece-et-maintenant-apres-le-tremblement-de-terre-pour-les-tempi/, https://www.konstantakopoulos.gr/31863/%ce%ba%ce%b1%ce%b9-%cf%84%cf%8e%cf%81%ce%b1-%cf%84%ce%b9-%ce%bc%ce%b5%cf%84%ce%ac-%cf%84%ce%bf%ce%bd-%cf%83%ce%b5%ce%b9%cf%83%ce%bc%cf%8c-%ce%b3%ce%b9%ce%b1-%cf%84%ce%b1-%cf%84%ce%ad%ce%bc%cf%80. But the dissatisfaction with the opposition does not mean that a government like the current one, with its policies and, above all, its ethical characteristics, should be allowed to continue unchecked—causing disastrous consequences for the country.
All Greeks need oxygen now. Greece needs oxygen to avoid moral suffocation.
29.02.2024
Translated from Greek by Christian Haccuria
Read also https://www.defenddemocracy.press/major-popular-uprising-in-greece
