A Demographic catastrophe: Towards a Greece without Greeks!

18/06/2020

Third of three articles (Read part I and part II)

By Dimitris Konstantakopoulos
Jun 3, 2020

n Greece, pensioners are dying more quickly, the life expectancy and the general health of the population is declining. For the first time since the end of the Civil War (1949), people are thinking twice before having children, young, educated Greeks emigrate, thus depriving the country of the necessary human capital. Greeks are paying to educate some of the best doctors in Europe who then go and work for the German hospitals. The total population of Greece is diminishing in absolute terms and the percentage of Greeks in origin and conscience among the population is also declining.

A population which is getting older, materially deprived, which feels morally betrayed, in total despair and insecurity, without any rights and any protection, is living in Greece today!

Even if the methods are different, what is happening to the Greeks bears some analogies with what the Romans are said to have done to the Jews in the year 60CE.

It is also quite astonishing that the results of the Troika policies are quite similar, even if the methods are very different, to Hitler’s plans for Greece, as described by Winston Churchill in his memoirs. Hitler’s project was to transform Greece into a vacation area for Arians and transport Greeks to the Middle East.

The Western establishment, and not only Germans, was always deeply divided in its attitude towards Greeks and Greece, somehow reflecting also its division between its more democratic and its more totalitarian wing (this quarrel is reflected somehow in the different way Oxford and Cambridge view ancient Greek Democracy and the Roman Empire).

Coup d’ Etat

The whole program constituted a flagrant violation of the core principles of the Greek constitutional order (which is part of European law), the core principles upon which the European Union was founded and of key provisions of the international law.

According to some specialists, the provisions of this clearly neo-colonial program have not an equivalent even in any of the IMF programs applied in Third World countries. (For an analysis in depth of the legal and even “regime change” questions the reader can consult the speech by one of the top European constitutional law specialists Prof. Kasimatis here)

This program was applied against the direct will of the Greek citizens, which they expressed in a clear way the only time they had the opportunity to express it, during the 2015 referendum.

In order to impose this program, the leading European powers and institutions, the IMF and the Greek politicians who collaborated with them, have used the methods of fraude, blackmail, political and economic pressure, all of them unacceptable in general and inside a supposedly democratic Union of equal states, peoples and nations, in particular. All the agreements signed by Greek governments to apply the bail-out program were the result of coercion and of violation of core principles of both national and international democratic order.

The imposition of the Greek program was a coup d’ etat, but a coup d’ etat in Carl Schmitt’s sense, one that was aimed at establishing a new regime, first in Greece, subsequently in all Europe.

The democratic institutions are now but a mere form in Greece, as the program has in fact abolished the principles of Popular, National and State sovereignty, at least in economic policy, the capacity of the Greek society to reproduce itself and the economic bases of parliamentary democracy. In effect it has turned Greece from a usual, European capitalist nation-state and parliamentary democracy into a new form of colony, a Debt Colony of the International Finance operated through European institutions and the IMF. In the summer of 2015, the creditors offered to the Greek government a new program consisting of many thousands of pages in English. The program was translated by automatic translation programs into Greek in two days and voted into law in two more days. The same procedure was followed in the spring of 2006.

This is exactly what makes the Greek experiment an operation of fundamental importance for the transformation of the Western social and political regime, representing a clear cut from the principles of Popular and National Sovereignty, on which Western regimes were based, at least in theory, after the French Revolution.

All that hardly can be considered a “coincidence” or an accident. The architects of the Maastricht Treaty seem to have taken into account such a scenario and how to use it, when they introduced into the Treaty clauses forbidding the solidarity of the Union to its members. Goldman Sachs has also played a critical role from the very beginning to the creation of the Greek debt bubble problem, with its Greek swaps.